Indian Holocaust My Father`s Life and Time - THREE HUNDRED Eighty Five
Palash Biswas
http://indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com/
How Green Is Our Growth
Over three decades ago, Indira Gandhi, unarguably the greatest environmentalist we have had in our political class, was loud and clear on Silent Valley. But thereafter such instances have been few and far between. With India now on a high economic growth trajectory and with the need to ensure that we stay on that path, safeguards, conditions and even Silent Valley-type trade-offs are coming into increasing prominence. No longer can we take solace in what S Radhakrishnan had once pithily summarised as the essence of our culture: "Why look at things in terms of this or that? Why not try to have both this and that".
How do we address such situations where deliberate and difficult choices are imperative? While i believe that no generalisation is possible since each case of environmental or biodiversity impact is sui generis, certain principles and guidelines can certainly be adopted.
First, we need to move to rules-based approaches and rely less on discretion-based decision-making. A good example of this is what has been initiated for identifying the prima facie "go/no-go" areas for coal mining. Nine major coalfields have been analysed and digitised maps showing their overlap with forest areas have been put in the public domain. The exercise is aimed to facilitate rules-based, transparent and objective granting of forestry clearance to coal blocks based on a "go/no-go" concept in the future. This exercise is being extended to other coalfields and other mineral sectors, particularly iron ore.
Second, we need massive institutional strengthening of the entire environmental governance system. Parliament has passed the National Green Tribunal Bill recently. This will function as a dedicated and specialised environmental court system accessible to all citizens. A national environmental protection authority to strengthen field-level monitoring and compliance capabilities is on the anvil as is the technical and organisational strengthening of the Central Pollution Control Board and its counterparts in states. In the MoE&F itself, steps have been taken to clean up internal processes, whether they relate to the composition of the environmental clearance committees or the process of decision-making or strengthening the scientific capacity of the ministry.
Third, we need to embrace proactive transparency in a major way going well beyond what is required under the RTI. All information from within the MoE&F policies, new proposals, monitoring reports, impact assessment is today put on the website almost immediately. Directions have also been issued to ensure that local elected bodies and local civil society groups have the information they are entitled to as a matter of right and not as a favour being done to them. The public is our best monitoring mechanism keeping us accountable to our targets and ensuring enforcement and compliance at the grassroots, where we are weak. Such actions greatly strengthen the hand of the public in its monitoring function.
Fourth, the trade-offs, wherever they arise, must be made explicit and a larger consensus created on the best way to move ahead. In deciding on the future course of action on Bt-brinjal, for instance, we followed this approach laboriously, having a series of large, inclusive public and expert consultations before announcing a decision on its commercialisation. The entire set of facts, opinions, communications, proceedings, etc, related to the decision was made public. The decision has received both bouquets and brickbats but that is inevitable.
Fifth, we have to think of innovative financial mechanisms that marry the imperatives of growth with that of ecological security. In 2002, we made a great start when the Supreme Court intervened and directed the constitution of a Compensatory Afforestation Management and Planning Authority (CAMPA). CAMPA is a 'vehicle' created to encourage reforestation, by asking project proponents to deposit with the government a certain amount equivalent to the social and economic value of the forest land being diverted for the project. A total amount of Rs 11,000 crore has been collected in this manner over the past seven years.
A more recent, but equally important example of a similar innovation is of the national clean energy fund announced by the finance minister in his Budget speech this year. The underlying proposal is to levy a clean energy cess on coal, at a rate of Rs 50 per tonne. This money will be used for funding research and innovative projects in clean energy technologies and also for environmental management of critically polluted areas.
In an address at the national conference of ministers of environment and forests in New Delhi last August, the prime minister had rightly observed: "We are still at early stages of industrialisation and urbanisation...We can and we must walk a different road, an environment-friendly road." We must persevere on this road in spite of the opposition it is bound to generate only then will high growth also be sustainable and inclusive growth.
The writer is Union minister of state for environment and forests.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/opinion/edit-page/How-Green-Is-Our-Growth/articleshow/6012109.cms
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Mines fields Unfolding as INFINITE Conflict zone to Guillotine the NOBLES!As it happened during French Revolution. I must warn to read between the Lines what Ms Arundhati ray writes and says. She is REPRESENTING the Segregated Aboriginal landscape inflicted with Corporate War, Persecution, Repression, Displacement, Exodus, Famine, Mal Nutrition and Pandemics, Holocaust. And it consists of One Third of Indian Geopolitics, the so called Red Corridor!Exclusion Merciless and Segregation, Ethnic Cleansing and Disaster Man Made means total Destruction of Nature, Nature Associated Communities and Environment resultant in Deforestation, scarcity of Watery and Global warming, Climate Change. We have to understand the Human face and Social reality of the Maoist Menace unless the Balloon BUBBLE Inflated Economy and so called Free market democracy killing the Democratic Process would end in the unstoppable uncontrolled unprecedented Violence in Near Future intermingling with India Incs and Foreign zionist multinational Interests so strong! We may not be spared , I am afraid of, in the Air cooled Dens in Metros, Urban and Semi Urban Purchasing Capacity world of INDICES and Plastic Money. Most of the Third world is divided in Haves and Have Nots. In India, Muslims and tribal People making up half of the Population are already Divided in Haves and Have NOTs! Rest would Follow suit thanks to GROWTH Rate Drive and Strategic Rural marketing, Unique Identity Number, Food Insecurity, Job Loss, destruction of Production System, Employment and Livelihood, Knowledge Economy and Health Tour thanks to the Global Phenomenon shaping up very fast as Global Hindutva, Zionist Manusmriti Rule and Global Galaxy Order!
Indian Aboriginal landscape consists no less than 33 percent Geographical Area and the traditional Cultivation by Aboriginal Tribes has been significantly REDUCED with Development and Conservation, Forest Laws, Mining and SEZ drive. The Tribal world is destroyed with Monopolistic Aggression state sponsored.Legislation did EXCLUDE and Segregate the Aboriginal human scape for last Six decades. Further Legislation to deal with Terror and Insurgency ensured the REPRESSION, Military Option and the Corporate War.Mainstream India is deprived of the Knowledge and information about our Black Untouchable Original Ancestors who Never Did surrender to the Foreigners or Genome Racial Superiority and continued the Resistance for thousands of years. They had NEVER been HINDUS as we the Black Untouchables later co opted as SC, ST and OBC had Never been. Multinational Thrust for Natural Resources and growing US Zionist Corporate interests have Created a world on Fire within our Hearts and Minds!
Times of India reported on First June 2010:
"I am told a meeting of CCS is scheduled shortly," home minister P Chidambaram said when asked whether the government was planning to revisit the anti-Naxal operational strategy.
He was replying to questions on growing Naxal attacks during his monthly briefing where he presented a report card of the ministry for May which saw the death of 172 civilians and 29 security personnel in Maoist violence.
Though the home minister did not elaborate, it is learnt that the CCS will also look into detailed action plans being finalized by armed forces to meet any contingency if their role in the anti-Naxal operations is extended beyond the present training, surveillance and logistics support.
Asked whether the government, seeing the heightened violence from Naxals, was contemplating the use of air power, Chidambaram said he had no comments to offer on the matter.
Asked whether the home ministry's stand on Naxals would be diluted following the inclusion of some human rights activists in the newly-constituted National Advisory Council (NAC), he said, "There is no stand of the home ministry. There is a policy of the government of India."
Meanwhile, the government has sanctioned procurement of armoured and bullet proof vehicles besides arms worth nearly Rs 300 crore as part of its plan to equip paramilitary forces operating in Naxal-hit areas with high-tech weapons.
The home ministry, in the last month, has sanctioned 119 Tata Light Armoured Troop Carriers, 98 bullet proof Mahindra Rakshaks and three LATCs. It has also approved procurement of night vision devices for rifles at a cost of Rs 184.80 crore. Besides, 146 automatic grenade launchers and 47,030 grenades are being bought from Russian firm Rosoboron Export at a cost of Rs 22.95 crore. Laser range finders are being procured from Fotono, a Slovenian firm, at a cost of Rs 1.33 crore.
The Centre has also sanctioned 1,090 posts in CISF to strengthen security at vital installations including Indira Gandhi International airport and the Reliance refinery at Jamnagar.
Of the 1,090 posts, 879 are for IGI airport, followed by 105 for Reliance refinery, 66 for Wipro complex, Bangalore, and 40 for Indira Gandhi Memorial and Museum in Delhi.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Govt-to-revise-strategy-to-counter-Naxals/articleshow/5995762.cms
"I never called them Gandhians with guns. It was a blurb carried by a magazine. What I meant was that they (Naxals) are more Gandhian than any other Gandhian in their consumption pattern...their lifestyle, which is in stark contrast to their violent means of resistance," said the 48-year-old Booker Prize winner.
Arundhati drew a lot of flak for the reported comments, especially after the Dantewada Naxal attack claiming lives of 76 security personnel for calling Naxals as 'Gandhians with guns'.
"I in fact have also written a letter in the next issue of the same magazine which carried my article, 'Walking With The Comrades' clarifying my point and stand, she said addressing a lecture 'The War on People' organised by the Committee for Protection of Democratic Rights here on Wednesday.
Antony meets Services Chiefs, discusses security
Army's de-mining experts in Maoist jungles soon
Naxals: Antony meets service chiefs, PM says enforce writ
"In dealing with the challenge of Naxalism, we will pursue a policy that genuinely seeks to address developmental concerns at the grassroots, while firmly enforcing the writ of the State," Singh said, speaking at a function to mark the first anniversary of his government. more by Manmohan Singh - Jun 1, 2010 - Hindustan Times (52 occurrences) |
Antony hints at use of military to fight Maoists
Antony reviews security situation with service chiefs
Antony meets Service Chiefs on fighting Naxals
Exploring Army option in Naxal ops: Antony
India strengthening its border infrastructure: Antony
AK Antony discusses Naxal threat with forces chiefs
Antony meets armed forces chiefs; Naxals to face Army
Impact of minimum public shareholding norm: SMC CapitalsMoneycontrol.com - 9 hours ago The government has raised the threshold for public shareholding in listed companies. The Securities Contracts (Regulation) (Amendment) Rules, 2010 have been ... Listed firms must now have 25% public shareholdingIndian Express - 16 hours ago In a big bang move aimed at bringing in more accountability and enhancing investor participation, the government on Friday made it mandatory for all listed ... Companies must have 25% public holdingDaily News & Analysis - - 16 hours ago Mumbai: After deliberating for long, the finance ministry on Friday said at least 25% shareholding of all listed companies should be with the public. ...
Higher public holding will enhance liquidity: AnalystsHindu Business Line - - 20 hours ago The decision by the Ministry of Finance to make it mandatory for all listed companies to have 25 per cent minimum public shareholding will add liquidity to ... Govt issues 25% compulsory public float ruleBusiness Standard - 20 hours ago The government today made it mandatory for all listed companies to have a minimum public float of 25 per cent. Those below this level will have to get there ... New public shareholding norms: A garb to push divestment?Moneycontrol.com - 22 hours ago The government has raised the threshold for public shareholding in listed companies with an aim to avoid promoter manipulation and to increase equity ... India wants listed firms to have 25 percent minimum public holdingHindustan Times - Jun 4, 2010 India on Friday, said that listed companies must have 25 percent minimum public holding to broadbase the shareholding pattern and bring more transparency in ... | Timeline of articles Number of sources covering this story
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CIL To Partner With Global Miners
6/4/2010 3:15 AM ET |
He said that the company hoped to finalize the deals soon.
The state-run company contributes about four-fifths of India's total production of coal. Last July, CIL invited proposals for joint business initiatives for mining in Australia, the U.S., South Africa and Indonesia, as it seeks to secure supplies of fuel for the world's second-fastest growing major economy.
Bhattacharyya pointed out CIL had received proposals to jointly develop mines. Its board of directors would consider these proposals and shortlist those needing to be pursued further. One proposal was from a miner in Australia with two big mines. The offer included laying railroad and road infrastructure, he added.
by RTT Staff Writer
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Samata verdict is weapon of the weak
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/environment/flora-fauna/Samata-verdict-is-weapon-of-the-weak/articleshow/6012928.cms
A Tale of Two Cities | Introduction
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A Tale of Two Cities occupies a central place in the canon of Charles Dickens's works. This novel of the French Revolution was originally serialized in the author's own periodical All the Year Round. Weekly publication of chapters 1-3 of Book 1 began on April 30, 1859. In an innovative move, Dickens simultaneously released installments of the novel on a monthly basis, beginning with all of Book 1 in June and concluding with the last eight chapters of Book 3 in December. Dickens took advantage of the novel's serial publication to experiment with characterization, plot, and theme. He described the work in a letter to his friend John Forster, cited in Rudi Glancy's A Tale of Two Cities: Dickens's Revolutionary Novel, as "a picturesque story rising in every chapter, with characters true to nature, but whom the story should express more than they should express themselves by dialogue." The novel that emerged from his experimentation is now regarded as one of Dickens's most popular and most innovative works.
Dickens's work was very popular with the reading public when it was first published. One review in the magazine Athenaeum stated that A Tale of Two Cities had attracted the praise of a hundred thousand readers. On the other hand, a whole set of critics, most notably Sir James Fitzjames Stephen writing in Saturday Review, criticized the novel precisely for its popularity. "Most of the critics writing in the intellectual and literary journals of the day considered popular success a good reason to condemn a work," explains Glancy. "If the public liked it, they certainly could not be seen to approve of it at all." Modern critical opinion, however, has given the novel an important place among Dickens's most mature works of fiction.
Les Misérables | Summary
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Les Miserables is the story of four people. Bishop Myriel, Jean Valjean, Famine, and Marius Pontmercy, who meet, part, then meet again during the most agitated decades of nineteenth-century France. It also tells the story of the 1832 revolution and describes the unpleasant side of Paris. The novel is in essence a plea for humane treatment of the poor and for equality among all citizens
Part I-Fantine
The year is 1815 and Napoleon has just been defeated at Waterloo. Bishop Myriel lives a quiet life as a just man, who is especially sympathetic toward the...
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http://www.enotes.com/les-miserables/summaryA Tale of Two Cities Summary
Book One: Recalled to Life
On a cold November night in 1775, Mr. Jarvis Lorry, who works for Tellson's Bank, tells a messenger who stops his mail coach to return with the message, "Recalled to Life," in A Tale of Two Cities. That evening in a Dover hotel he meets Miss Lucie Manette, a young woman whom Lorry brought to England as an orphaned child many years earlier and whom he is now to return with to France to recover her father, recently released from prison after eighteen years.
In Paris, Mr. Lorry and Miss Manette arrive at the wine shop of Madame and Monsieur Defarge. In a top floor garret room above the shop, working away at a shoemaker's bench, sits an old, white-haired man, too feeble and too altered to recognize his daughter. With the help of Lorry and Defarge, Lucie takes Dr. Manette away in a carriage to return him to London.
Book Two: The Golden Thread
On a March morning in 1780, Mr. Charles Darnay is being tried at the Old Bailey for treason. In the court as witnesses are Dr. Manette and his daughter Lucie, who testifies that on the night five years earlier when she was returning with her father from France, the prisoner comforted her and her father aboard the boat on which they crossed the channel. Darnay is acquitted after the counsel for the defense, Mr. Stryver, befuddles a witness by presenting Mr. Sydney Carton, who so closely resembles Mr. Darnay that the witness is unable to stand by his story. Mr. Jerry Cruncher, messenger for hire, rushes the news of the acquittal to Tell-son' s Bank, as he was instructed to do by Mr. Lorry. Outside the courtroom, everyone congratulates Darnay on his release.
In France, meanwhile, both the abuses of the aristocracy and the furor of the oppressed grow. Monseigneur, the Marquis St. Evremonde, "one of the great lords in power at the court," drives off in a gilded carriage and runs over a child. He tosses a gold coin to the child's grieving father, Gaspard. Someone throws a coin at the carriage, but when the Marquis looks to see who, he sees only Madame Defarge, knitting. She knits into a scarf growing longer by the day the names in symbols of those who will later die at the hands of the revolutionaries. Later at his chateau, the Marquis asks if "Monsieur Charles" has yet arrived from England. Charles Darnay, the nephew, tells the Marquis that he believes his family has done wrong and that he wishes to redress the wrongs of the past. The Marquis, who scorns Darnay's suggestions, is later found stabbed to death in his bed.
Lucie and her father live in a London apartment with her maid, Miss Pross. Darnay prospers as a teacher in France and visits England... » Complete A Tale of Two Cities Summary
http://www.enotes.com/tale-of-two-cities/Sensex rises; outlook uncertain (Weekly market review)
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'Iron'ic? Story of the Great Indian Loot
So what connects the Maoist menace with forests and mining? Clearly, forests give a guerilla force its best chance of taking on the might of the state. But any guerilla army needs more than just thick foliage. Insurgents thrive where the local population is sympathetic to them or at least not sympathetic towards the state.
That's where mining comes into the picture. There has been a long history of traditional forest dwellers being denied the right to live off the forest, a process that cannot but lead to alienation. Add to that a mining policy regime that has allowed massive scaling up of mining in the same areas for super profits, and it is not difficult to see why many tribals believe the state is hostile to their interests, but in tune with corporate interests.
Mining projects have repeatedly led to localized protests. In many cases, the administration has muttered darkly about agent provocateurs from outside fishing in troubled waters. In states like Orissa, Maoists have been accused of exploiting local resentment for their own ends.
To understand how mining policy has actually helped the Maoists, let's take the specific case of iron ore — crucial for Chhattisgarh and Orissa and not insignificant for Jharkhand, all states with a serious Maoist problem on their hands.
At the turn of the millennium in 2001-01, India exported iron ore worth a measly Rs 358 crore. By 2008-09, that figure was up to Rs 21,725 crore, a sixty-fold jump in just seven years.
Driving this export of ore were several factors. One was the decanalisation of exports of ore with an iron content of 64% or less in the late 1990s. The other was China's seemingly insatiable appetite for iron ore in the run-up to the 2008 Beijing Olympics. As a result, the international price of ore — with 63% iron content — soared to $200 per tonne in March 2008, more than four times the price five years ago.
Indian ore exporters thus had a ready and profitable market. The icing on the cake was provided by the royalty rates charged by the government. The rates fixed in October 2004 varied from as little as Rs 4 per tonne for low-grade ore to a maximum of Rs 27 per tonne for the highest grades. There was also no export duty.
To see what this meant, check out what the Karnataka Lok Ayukta had to say on the allegations of illegal mining in the Bellary region of the state. Its report submitted in December 2008 pointed out that when the export price was hovering around Rs 6,000 to Rs 7,000 per tonne, the state government was getting between Rs 16 and Rs 27 by way of royalty. The extraction cost to the miner was, by the state's own admission, of the order of Rs 150 per tonne. The Lok Ayukta noted that even if the transportation cost was estimated at Rs 250 per tonne, the total cost for the exporter would be not more than Rs 427 per tonne.
Since the export price of the ore even in a slump was never lower than Rs 1,500 per tonne, that would leave a neat profit of Rs1,073 per tonne. Out of this, the state was getting at best Rs 27.
So outraged was the Lok Ayukta by these calculations, that the report went on to advocate a complete ban not just on export of ore but also on its trading, saying it should be reserved only for captive mining by domestic steel producers.
A committee appointed by the planning commission in 2005 to examine the national mining policy, observed that "the margins available in the mining sector have been very substantial and are widely expected to continue being so in the foreseeable future". It recommended in December 2006 that royalty rates be reviewed. A subsequent study group suggested that the royalty be pegged at 10% of the sale price of ore.
It took another two years before the ministry finally notified the new rates in August 2009. But there was a catch. The "sale price" which was to form the basis for the ad valorem rates would be determined by the Indian Bureau of Mines (IBM) on the basis of the average of sale prices reported by non-captive producers.
To see why this made a mockery of the 10% rate, just look at the numbers for February 2010, the last month for which the IBM has put up the sale prices on its website. The all-India sale price average for lumps of 62-65% iron content was Rs 1,760 per tonne. The highest sale price for any state for this grade of ore was put at Rs 1,949 per tonne.
Against this, the average international price prevailing in February for Indian ore of 63% iron content bound for Chinese ports was $128 per tonne, which is closer to Rs 6,000 per tonne. Even allowing for transportation costs, which can be significant, clearly there is a wide gap between the price at which the royalty rate is being applied and what the exporter is actually getting.
Why do these details of iron ore extraction and sale matter? Because the enormous margins involved — in exports as well as domestic sales — mean that the scope for sleaze and the temptation for illegal mining are huge.
And this is where the connection with Maoists lies. Not only has rapacious mining turned the tribal away from the state, it has reportedly provided a steady source of funding for the Maoists through extortion. In short, by promoting this variety of crony capitalism, the state has shot itself in the foot.
So, what's the way out? When TOI recently asked a Union minister whether it would be a good idea to auction mines to raise more revenues for the states, which could then put a chunk of it back into development work for the local community, the minister's response was, "But why allow exports in the first place?"
That's the language of Left radicals, but when it comes from a minister, it's an indication of how serious the problem has become.
Since 2007, the government has imposed export duties on iron ore that have varied between zero and 15%, but are we in for a further tightening of the screws?
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/India/-Ironic-Story-of-the-Great-Indian-Loot/articleshow/6012491.cms
As forests feed growth, tribals given the go-by
The truth is that over the past century, millions of tribals, who grew up and live in these forests, find themselves dispossessed of their forest land and its produce. Before their eyes, the adivasis have seen their means of livelihood being taken away. Simultaneously, mines have sprung up on their forest lands, earning thousands of crores every year for everyone else but them. In fact, the forests have fed India's growth story.
This isn't an exaggeration. The three tribal-dominated states of Orissa, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand are the most productive mineral-bearing states in the country. They account for 70% of India's coal reserves, 80% of its high-grade iron ore, 60% of its bauxite and almost 100% of its chromite reserves. Of the top 50 mineral-producing districts in the country, almost half are tribal.
There are more startling statistics. The average forest cover in the 50 mineral producing districts is 28%, much more than the national average. Chhattisgarh has the highest forest cover: Around 43%, Jharkhand 30%, Orissa 27% and Madhya Pradesh 26%. They continue to have this green cover despite years of rampant deforestation.
An estimated 1.64 lakh hectares of forest land has already been diverted for mining in the country. The tribals, who are the 'original' inhabitants here, don't own much of these rich forests. They once did. But when the forest laws were brought into force, first by the Raj and then by independent India, thousands were evicted and their property converted into state property. Most of the tribals ended up working on their own forestlands, in some cases as bonded labour. To make matters worse, the Indian government named many of them encroachers and began a violent phase of forced evictions. The courts, which too wanted to protect forests but not necessarily the forest dwellers, often added to their misery.
Take the case of Orissa. "More than 50% of the all tribal landowners in Orissa are marginal landholders and another 20% are landless," writes Kundan Kumar, an academic and tribal activist, citing the Agriculture Survey data of 1995-96.
Three-fourths of the scheduled lands are owned by the state governments with almost half of them declared as forest lands.
Of the 50 major mining districts, 60% are among the 150 most backward districts of India. Four of these districts — two in Orissa and one each in Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh — are among the 25 most backward districts in the country, and 13 figure in the 50 most backward districts list.
For those who claim mining (and such 'development') would help find employment, here is a telling fact. The formal mining sector employs just 5.6 lakh people and this number is coming down. Between 1991 and 2004, the number of people employed in mining came down by 30%, but the value of mineral production went up several times. Tribals have seen the value of mineral production rising since the liberalisation of the mining sector in 1993 from Rs 25,000 crore in 1993-94 to Rs 84,000 crore-plus in 2005-06.
These figures, of course, don't reflect the hundreds of crores worth of illegal mining that goes on in this region, virtually unchecked. Nor do they tell the story of the paltry royalty paid to the government by the mining industry that enjoys mind-boggling profits on exports.
Does this explain, even if partially, why Maoists find ready refuge among these tribals?
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/India/As-forests-feed-growth-tribals-given-the-go-by/articleshow/6012425.cms
Govt to ask miners to share profit to quell unrest
In a country where two-thirds of the population lives on farming, the government has struggled to provide land to industry, fuelling a growing Maoist insurgency and a wider resentment that foreign firms are being allowed to displace poor people and cart away natural resources.
"The idea is to create a win-win situation by enabling miners to mine and local people to genuinely benefit," S Vijay Kumar, special secretary in the mines ministry, told Reuters.
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"But that win-win has to come out from the parting of a greater share of profits (by mining companies), so that local people do not see mining as a threat to their way of life but as an opportunity for progress and development."
The new mining bill has to be passed by parliament. It was not clear yet whether the profit to be shared would be from a company's overall operations in India or a particular mine.
Years of protests, sometimes violent with backing from the Maoists, have delayed many projects, including India-focused miner Vedanta Resources Plc's bauxite mines and POSCO's proposed steel plant in Orissa.
It has now led to a growing realisation in the ruling Congress-led coalition as well as state governments that economic progress must include local stakeholders and industry must secure "social licence" to overcome hostility and speed up projects.
The proposed law is being seen in the context of the government's expanding social programmes that seek to keep poor voters, its core support base, happy and away from the Maoists while also balancing modernisation with traditional ways of life.
This could impact local mining companies including listed companies such as Sesa Goa, Sterlite, Tata and the Steel Authority of India, besides global giants such as Rio Tinto and BHP Billiton.
Land acquisition for large projects, often forcible, and poverty have boosted the appeal of Maoist rebels in eastern and southern states, home to many deprived tribal communities.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has described the Maoists as India's biggest internal security challenge, an insurgency that has appeared to be spinning out of control with 400 people already killed this year.
The rebellion, present in mineral-rich rural pockets of 20 of India's 28 states, may not yet be a threat to its trillion-dollar economy, but mining firms have long felt the heat.
The world's leading steelmaker Arcelor Mittal's plans for two plants in eastern India have already faced a two-year lag.
Frequent rebel strikes have hit production and shipment at firms such as India's largest miner of iron ore, NMDC Ltd's and state-run National Aluminium Co Ltd.
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Lankan war was corporate one, says Arundhati Roy
'Reds lack revolutionary vision'
Publicity craving Arundhati Roy fancies being Suu Kyi of wrong things
"That was a corporate war. All the large Indian companies are now heading to Sri Lanka to make more money," Roy said on Friday. "The political parties of Tamil Nadu were the only ones who could have stopped the genocide in Sri Lanka, but they chose to stand by silently. A similar thing is happening in central India where tribals are resisting the takeover of natural resources by corporates." more by Arundhati Roy - 15 hours ago - Times of India (1 occurrences) |
My wife has been misunderstood: Pradip Krishen
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Arrest me for speaking for Naxals: Arundhati
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I'm on Maoists' side, I don't care if they pick me up, says Roy
Mining the militarization: Coal tales from northeast
Mining activities in the northeast are spread over a sizeable area of tribal land stretching across the states of Meghalaya, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh. Coal deposits are predominantly located in tribal states, and tribal communities involved in coal mining have deployed rat hole mining techniques for extraction. However, these days, earth excavators and dynamites make the job easier.
A coal contractor, Dilip from Tinsukia, claims, ''This is scientific mining.'' He feels that this will level all the mountains to make it easier for farmers to cultivate! Alemtemshi Jamir, the development commissioner of the Nagaland government, is a worried man. He observes that there are increasing numbers of reports about water poisoning due to the hazardous mining practices, and environmental degradation is irreversible.
The government's attempt to ban illegal mining is a losing battle. S Jamir of the geology and mining department says that it is the tribal land-holding system that restricts the government from taking any action. He adds that his department is involved in exploring coal, but wherever they find it, villagers follow and start mining. Gogoi, who represents a big coal company from Jharkhand, says Nagaland CM Neiphiu Rio is aware of the coal mining activities. Rio is the first ever Nagaland CM to visit Tiru village in Mon district — and it was coal that took him there.
Reality contradicts the myth of the northeast as being a conflict-ridden region unsafe to invest in. James Ferguson, an anthropologist who works in Africa, notes how African countries like Angola and Sudan experienced impressive economic growth at the height of civil wars in the 1980s and 1990s. There is an ordered chaos that follows resource extraction anywhere in the world and India's northeast is no exception.
Rights activists say chaos is a pretext to securitize the region in order to circumvent laws that protect the environment and ecology of the indigenous people.
Coalmines in tribal areas have attracted wealthy private companies from urban cities as far away as Mumbai, but these companies are often invisible because smaller companies, which are generally based in the region, carry out everyday operations. Therefore, the meaning of what constitutes a company can range from two persons on a motorcycle from Sibsagar, a group of five onion traders in Guwahati, or a brick kiln owner based in Dimapur.
As long as these front companies and agents can manage insurgent groups, government officials and landowners on whose land reserves of coal deposits are found, the operations go on smoothly. An agreement is signed with a landowner or several landowners and a royalty is paid for the coal. Coal mining activities are taking place in states which ostensibly have special constitutional provisions for protection of tribal land and identity.
In order to understand coal mining in the northeast, we must address how the region's militarization has produced extremely weak systems of governance ill-equipped to prevent large-scale environmental degradation.
(The author is a doctoral candidate in anthropology at Stanford University)
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/environment/flora-fauna/Mining-the-militarization-Coal-tales-from-northeast/articleshow/6012929.cms
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Trigger-happy Maoists don't touch state's mining mafia
BHUBANESWAR: The Orissa mining scam, billed by some as the biggest loot of public property ever, has shocked even those who know little of the nitty-gritty of mining operations. In a nutshell, ores were extracted from mines much beyond the permitted limit. In many cases, mining was done without any permission in hand. The trend is still continuing.
A majority of these shady mines are located in the Maoist-dominated areas of Keonjhar and Sundergarh. These two districts have often reported incidents of Maoists attacking construction companies and other establishments for money. But there has been no report as yet of the extremists touching the mining mafia.
The state government has admitted to illegal extraction of ores, but has not come up with figures to quantify the volume of ore siphoned and the loss to the state exchequer. Orissa Jana Samilani, which has taken the scam to the Supreme Court seeking a high-level inquiry, estimates the annual illegal outgo of ore at nearly Rs 8,000 crore continuing for over five years. "This was our preliminary estimate. Now we feel the amount could be much more. Earlier, it was alleged ores were transported by trucks only. Present findings reveal railway has been a major transporter of illegal ore," Samilani leader Rabi Das said.
Industry minister Raghunath Mohanty said, "The government is seized of the matter. We have taken a series of steps to curb illegal mining." He attributed the scam to "loopholes in the law". "There are many holes in the law, which helped people do illegal mining," asserted.
Officials admitted illegal mining had been detected in all kinds of mines, but the focus was more on iron ore as it fetched huge profits. Revenue from the mining sector has gone up steadily from about Rs 550 crore in 2003-04 to Rs 1,380.5 crore in 2008-09. But who's gained?
"Orissa may be one of India's major mineral bearing states. But the fruits of development have always fallen in the hands of the rich making them richer. The poor have got little benefit out of the huge mineral resources lying in their backyard," said environment activist Biswajit Mohanty.
According to Mohanty, Orissa had been hit by the "resource curse". "The state has become the favourite destination for mining groups from all over the world. That is why Orissa's per capita income has not grown much compared to the national average. At 1999-2000 prices, the per capita income of Orissa increased from Rs 7,700 in 1980-81 to Rs 15,100 in 2006-07 while that of the nation grew by 160% from Rs 8,600 in 1980-81 to Rs 22,700," Mohanty pointed out.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Trigger-happy-Maoists-dont-touch-states-mining-mafia/articleshow/6012290.cms
Stripped tribal is now Assam's Adivasi mascot
The odds against Laxmi are steep. Her opponents are Congress heavyweight Mani Kumar Subba and Asom Gana Parishad's Joeseph Toppo, a playing field that won't have any pundit betting on her win. But that doesn't faze her as she talks confindently about Martin Luther King, casting herself in the same revolutionary mould, her tone reflecting a quiet but unwavering confidence.
Laxmi is on a mission that goes beyond contesting Lok Sabha elections on an Assam United Democratic Front (AUDF) ticket. So, whether she loses or pulls off an upset, she says she won't lose sight of the ''bigger dream of bringing justice and recognition to marginalized sections of society''.
On November 7, 2007, during an Adivasi rally in Guwahati to seek ST status, Laxmi was stripped and hounded by hoodlums in full public view. As others looked on scared, a local businessman threw her a jacket and took her to the police. She quietly disappeared after that.
Today, she says, that incident of shame is her political staff. ''Our community contributed to the tea industry but we are still an impoverished lot. We only survive as a vote bank,'' she asserts.
Her campaign is mainly in the tea gardens where the Adivasi vote is around 4 lakh of the total 12.5 lakh. The band of supporters that travel with her door-to-door and village-to-village also seems to be steadily growing, a testimony to her resolve. ''I was in Jharkhand last April for a book release function and that's where I first heard of Martin Luther King,'' she says.
Charged by the spirit, Laxmi leaves home at 5 am, travels on campaign extensively and returns only late in the evening to chalk out the next day's plans. But unlike other politicisns, she doesn't have to give long speeches. To most others she meets, Laxmi's stripping in Guwahati is a story of their own suffering. They understand her.
Manipur pushed to brink by Nagas
There is not much hope in Manipur these days, not enough food either, or medicines, cooking gas and petrol. The only thing in abundance is despair, fear and bitterness at being on India's fringes, literally and metaphorically.
At its hospitals in Imphal, the shelves are bereft of medicines, even common antibiotics , and doctors go around with forlorn , sorrowful expressions on their faces, cringing every time a patient is wheeled in. There is an acute shortage of lifesaving drugs and oxygen. And even the Regional Institute of Medical Sciences and Jawaharlal Nehru Hospital, the top care centres in Manipur, have stopped all routine surgeries. "There are no oxygen cylinders, no syringes, nothing,'' says a nurse. "The blockade will kill us all.''
It's been more than 50 days since Manipur , which depends entirely on National Highway 39 for all its supplies, has remained choked. The All Naga Students' Association of Manipur (Ansam) enforced an economic blockade beginning April 11 this year, opposing local body elections which they allege will suppress their tribal rights, and there's no telling when the roads will open again and ease the stranglehold.
In fact, the blockade has only intensified after the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah ), or NSCN (IM), a group that has been demanding the creation of Greater Nagaland — 'Nagalim' as they call it — by merging Naga inhabited areas of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur with Nagaland, lashed out at Manipur recently. NSCN (IM)'s separatist leader Thuingaleng Muivah wanted to visit his ancestral village in Somdal, Ukhrul district of Manipur, but Imphal wouldn't allow it fearing mischief.
So anxious was Manipur chief minister Okram Ibobi Singh about Muivah's visit — there is a large population of Nagas in Manipur and many still hope to break away and form Nagalim — that on May 2 he rushed a police commando force and India Reserve Battalion troops to Mao Gate, the entry point from Nagaland, to prevent the NSCN leader's "home coming'' . Nagaland-based Naga Students' Federation (NSF) immediately swung into action and banned the entry of all Manipurheaded vehicles into Nagaland, the main supply route for the neighbouring state. NH-39 passes through Nagaland and Naga-inhabited areas of Manipur, running from Moreh in Manipur to Numligarh in Assam, via Imphal and Kohima.
To make matters worse for an already bleeding Manipur, especially Imphal valley , the alternative route, National Highway 53, which connects Imphal with Silchar in Assam, was also blocked by Naga students. With the death of two Naga protestors in police firing during a rally at Mao Gate on May 6, the situation turned even more ugly and fraught with danger. The Manipur-Nagaland border today looks like a war zone with no respite in sight.
"The Indian government doesn't care about Manipur,'' says an angry Suraj Kumar in Imphal. "We are buying a litre of petrol for Rs 170. When Delhi increases the price of petrol by Rs 2, there are protests everywhere and the matter is raised in Parliament. What about us? Are we not Indians, part of this country? An LPG cylinder costs us Rs 1,500 and a kg of coarse rice is being sold for Rs 50. Where is the money, where is justice?''
Seven Manipur trucks have been burnt down by miscreants inside Nagaland since the first week of May. Two trucks were pushed down a deep gorge. Hong Kongbased Asian Human Rights Commission and Imphal-based Human Rights Alert in a statement have said that the "economic blockade of Manipur and the plight of its ordinary people is the ultimate example of the failure of the government of India and that of the state governments in Manipur and Nagaland to counter armed insurgency in the region. The blockade is sheer exploitation of the many political power loopholes that exist in the region."
Flights are not much of a help either. Indian Airlines and other private airlines operating from Kolkata and Guwahati to Imphal have had to reduce their passenger intake and cancel cargo bookings as all of them need to budget for return journey fuel. No aviation fuel is available at Imphal airport.
Though the Centre has now stepped in with the Union cabinet committee on security deciding to airlift food, life saving drugs and fuel to Imphal from Guwahati, it is too little. There are far too many mouths to feed, kitchen fires to light. The situation has also eased up a bit after the government cleared NH-53 to carry food and fuel from Silchar using huge convoys of Army, paramilitary and police commandos to guard it. But it's far from normal. "NH-39 has to open,'' says Udoy Thongam, a Manipuri activist. "The Manipur government can hardly do anything otherwise.''
But that looks like it'll take a long time in coming. Muivah, who is currently camping at Nagaland's Viswema village, just a few kilometers from Mao Gate where Manipur troops are deployed, has dug his heels in, screaming his lungs out that Imphal wants to suppress the Nagas. Senior NSCN (IM) functionary VS Atem says they will "move forward and not go back" . Naga leaders have been lashing out at the Centre , too, saying it betrayed its own commitment to let Muivah pass into Manipur.
The Centre had in a surprising move allowed Muivah to visit his village and other Naga-inhabited areas of Manipur. But Ibobi Singh, knowing fully well how Muivah is perceived in Manipur — as a rabble-rouser encouraging secession for the cause of Greater Nagaland — decided to oppose the Naga leader's entry, scared that it would create social unrest and serious law and order issues in Manipur. Annoyed at the way the Union home ministry took a unilateral decision on the matter without consulting Manipur, Ibobi Singh, who's brought the Congress to power twice in the state, put his foot down.
Finance minister Pranab Mukherjee intervened and summoned Ibobi Singh to Delhi for a meeting with home minister P Chidambaram, defence minister A K Antony and himself. But the Manipur CM refused to budge. It was only then that the Congress core committee, prime minister Manmohan Singh and the AICC leadership, which discussed the precarious situation in detail, veered around to Ibobi Singh's point of view and let him have his way. By then they had, of course, rubbed Muivah the wrong way Though Ibobi Singh has managed to score brownie points, it is not enough to save his beleaguered state from the immense hardship it has been facing, and will face in future. Either the roads will have to open or a viable alternative route laid out. Until that happens, the people of Manipur will suffer endlessly, sandwiched between the conflicting politics of neighbouring states that fail to take into account the misery of their people.
HIGHWAY HISTORY
NH 39, known as 'Imphal Road' in history books, has seen many wars being fought for its control. This strategic road, which connects the Burmese plains with Assam's Brahmaputra valley, is an essential component of New Delhi's 'Look East Policy' , geared to take India to the South East Asian markets
The Imphal Road was the highway Netaji Subash Chandra Bose dreamt of capturing during his 'Delhi Chalo' campaign
The control for this highway was the flashpoint for Naga-Kuki ethnic clash in the '90s which claimed 2000 lives
Dantewada diary: Notes from Ground Zero
Cult Of Violence
The Maoist movement has evolved into an insurgency, at least in its strongholds in central and eastern India. The government must devise countermeasures accordingly. Half measures like local militias will not help. A well-trained and well-equipped police and paramilitary force with the ability to source information about local Maoist activity is necessary to fight the battle. There's no need to deploy the army but its expertise could be sought to train and provide logistical back-up for police personnel. There ought to be, as well, proper coordination among the various agencies involved in anti-Maoist operations. The Maoist challenge is not merely about the rights of adivasi people; it's essentially about what ought to be the nature of the Indian state. A democratic state as envisaged in the Indian Constitution is unacceptable to Maoists. The adivasis, a victim of the inefficiency and callousness of elected representatives and public officials, are only used as a front to promote an ideology that is inherently undemocratic. The plight of the adivasi community can, and must, be addressed through democratic means.
The government's strategy, of course, should not be limited to military action in areas dominated by Maoists. A fight against insurgency is also a fight to win the hearts and minds of people. Issues that have bothered the adivasi community must be engaged with sympathetically and developmental initiatives designed accordingly. Maoist cadres willing to shun violence and work with the government and the civil society could be encouraged to join the social mainstream. Apart from effective police action, another reason for the failure of the Maoist rebellion in Andhra Pradesh was that a number of party members, fed up with the endless violence, took up rehabilitation packages offered by the government and left the movement.
The Centre, in consultation with the state governments, must formulate a multidimensional strategy to end the Maoist terror. There is a false opposition between security and development in our public discourse. These paradigms can, and ought to, coexist in the government's vision of the battle against Maoists. That, by no means, is an impossible task.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/opinion/edit-page/Cult-Of-Violence/articleshow/5991763.cms
Give us land, not ration: Adivasis
Speaking at the Indian Women's Press Corps here on Wednesday, Janu said that the Mahasabha will not accept the Kerala government's offer of rations in lieu of land. "How long will the rations last? Four months, five months? An adivasi's lifespan is a lot more." When the Mahasabha led by Janu took over tribal lands and built makeshift huts in Wyanad region, they were brutally attacked by the police.
Cases were filed against 46 people, some of them small children. However, she alleges that the CBI inquiry dwelt disproportionately on the killing of one policeman, overlooking the atrocities committed against the tribals. The policeman's family got a compensation of Rs 5 lakh but the adivasis got nothing.
Forest Rights Act (India)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006, is a key piece of forest legislation passed in India on December 18, 2006. It has also been called the "Forest Rights Act", the "Tribal Rights Act", the "Tribal Bill", and the "Tribal Land Act." The law concerns the rights of forest-dwelling communities to land and other resources, denied to them over decades as a result of the continuance of colonial forest laws in India.
Supporters of the Act claim that it will redress the "historical injustice" committed against forest dwellers, while including provisions for making conservation more effective and more transparent. The demand for the law has seen massive national demonstrations involving hundreds of thousands of people [1].
However, the law has also been the subject of considerable controversy in the English press in India. Opponents of the law claim it will lead to massive forest destruction and should be repealed (see below).
A little over one year after it was passed, the Act was notified into force on December 31, 2007. On January 1, 2008, this was followed by the notification of the Rules framed by the Ministry of Tribal Affairs to supplement the procedural aspects of the Act[2].
Contents[hide]
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[edit] Background
India's forests are home to millions of people, including many Scheduled Tribes, who live in or near the forest areas of the country. Forests provide sustenance in the form of minor forest produce, water, grazing grounds and habitat for shifting cultivation. Moreover, vast areas of land that may or may not be forests are classified as "forest" under India's forest laws, and those cultivating these lands are technically cultivating "forest land" [3].
The reason for this latter phenomenon is India's forest laws. India's forests are governed by two main laws, the Indian Forest Act, 1927 and the Wild Life (Protection) Act, 1972. The former empowers the government to declare any area to be a reserved forest, protected forest or village forest. The latter allows any area to be constituted as a "protected area", namely a national park, wildlife sanctuary, tiger reserve or community conservation area. [4]
Under these laws, the rights of people living in or depending on the area to be declared as a forest or protected area are to be "settled" by a "forest settlement officer." This basically requires that officer to enquire into the claims of people to land, minor forest produce, etc., and, in the case of claims found to be valid, to allow them to continue or to extinguish them by paying compensation.
Studies have shown that in many areas this process either did not take place at all or took place in a highly faulty manner. Thus 82.9% of the forest blocks in undivided Madhya Pradesh had not been settled as of December 2003 [5], while all the hilly tracts of Orissa were declared government forests without any survey[6]. In Orissa, around 40% of the government forests are "deemed reserved forests" which have not been surveyed [7].
Those whose rights are not recorded during the settlement process are susceptible to eviction at any time. This "legal twilight zone" leads to harassment, evictions, extortion of money and sexual molestation of forest dwellers by forest officials, who wield absolute authority over forest dwellers' livelihoods and daily lives [8].
The Statement of Objects and Reasons of the Forest Rights Act describes it as a law intended to correct the "historical injustice" done to forest dwellers by the failure to recognise their rights [9].
[edit] The Law
The Act as passed in 2006 has the following basic points.
[edit] Types of Rights
The Act grants four types of rights:
- Title rights - i.e. ownership - to land that is being farmed by tribals or forest dwellers as on December 13, 2005, subject to a maximum of 4 hectares; ownership is only for land that is actually being cultivated by the concerned family as on that date, meaning that no new lands are granted [10];
- Use rights - to minor forest produce (also including ownership), to grazing areas, to pastoralist routes, etc.[11];
- Relief and development rights - to rehabilitation in case of illegal eviction or forced displacement[12] and to basic amenities, subject to restrictions for forest protection [13];
- Forest management rights - to protect forests and wildlife[14].
[edit] Eligibility Criteria
Eligibility to get rights under the Act is confined to those who "primarily reside in forests" and who depend on forests and forest land for a livelihood [15]. Further, either the claimant must be a member of the Scheduled Tribes scheduled in that area [16] or must have been residing in the forest for 75 years[17].
[edit] Process of Recognition of Rights
Section 6(1) of the Act provides that the gram sabha, or village assembly, will initially pass a resolution recommending whose rights to which resources should be recognised (i.e. which lands belong to whom, how much land was under the cultivation of each person as on Dec 13, 2005, etc.). This resolution is then screened and approved at the level of the sub-division (or taluka) and subsequently at the district level. The screening committees consist of three government officials (Forest, Revenue and Tribal Welfare departments) and three elected members of the local body at that level. These committees also hear appeals [18].
[edit] Resettlement for Wildlife Conservation
Section 4(2) of the Act lays out a procedure by which people can be resettled from areas if it is found to be necessary for wildlife conservation. The first step is to show that relocation is scientifically necessary and no other alternative is available; this has to be done through a process of public consultation. The second step is that the local community must consent to the resettlement. Finally, the resettlement must provide not only compensation but a secure livelihood.[19].
[edit] Misunderstanding the Act as a Land Distribution Scheme
A great deal of the debate is fueled by misunderstandings of the purpose of the Act. The most common is that the purpose of the law is to distribute forest land to forest dwellers or tribals, often claimed to be at the rate of 4 hectares per family (see for instance this article as an example) The Act is intended to recognise lands that are already under cultivation as on December 13, 2005, not to grant title to any new lands [20].
[edit] Opposition to the Act
The Act has been met with much concern and opposition from environmentalists and wildlife conservationists. Some of this opposition has been motivated by those who see the law as a land distribution scheme that will lead to the handing over of forests to tribals and forest dwellers (see Vanashakti, a group opposed to the Act, as an example]). But the strongest opposition to the Act has come from wildlife conservationists who fear that the law will make it impossible to create "inviolate spaces", or areas free of human presence, for the purposes of wildlife conservation [21]. Tiger conservation in particular has been an object of concern.
Supporters of the Act take the position that the Act is not a land distribution measure, and further that the Act is more transparent than existing law and so can help stop land grabbing [22]. Regarding wildlife conservation, they have argued that the Act actually provides a clear and explicit procedure for resettling people where necessary for wildlife protection, but also provides safeguards to prevent this being done arbitrarily [23],[24].
Indeed, while concerned at some of the provisions, some environmentalists have also argued that "Conservationists who have stated that the Forest Bill will be the death-knell of India's forests are indulging in unsubstantiated exaggeration" [25].
Supporters of the Act and others also argue that the provisions in the Act for community conservation will in fact strengthen forest protection in the country. This is said to be because it will provide a legal right for communities themselves to protect the forest, as thousands of villages are already doing in the face of official opposition [26],[27].
[edit] TV Advertisements Against Act
In October 2003, Vanashakti, a group based in Mumbai, ran TV advertisements against the Act. This is the first time any Indian legislation has been attacked through a TV campaign [28].
Six advertisements were run by the organisation across major Indian news and TV channels, ads which continue to be available on their website. The group criticised the Forest Rights Act as having the potential to cause huge floods, droughts, and to increase global warming [29]. They also decried it as an effort to keep "tribals in the forest" instead of assisting their "development."
In response to questions from a newspaper, Vanashakti claimed to have been formed over "a dinner table conversation" as a result of deep concern about the Forest Rights Act and the lack of media attention to it [30].
The TV ad campaign was met with angry responses from forest rights organisations. The Campaign for Survival and Dignity, a federation of tribal and forest dwellers' organisations from several States of India, wrote an Open Letter to Vanashakti to Vanashakti, criticising them for "attacking the Forest Rights Act through distortions and untruths that do nothing to reinforce forest protection, and a great deal to undermine it." The Campaign also put up a website entitled "Vanashakti's Distortions and Untruths". An exchange of correspondence followed, which can be found both at the Vanashakti website and at the website on the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act" put up by the Campaign [1].
[edit] Criticisms of the Act by Forest Rights Supporters
While supporting the principles of the law, forest rights supporters are not entirely satisfied with the law as finally passed. The recommendations of a Joint Parliamentary Committee on the law were partly rejected, and supporters of forest rights have claimed that some of the rejected clauses were important. In particular, the final form of the law is said to make it easier to exclude some categories of both tribal and non-tribal forest dwellers, to have undermined the democratic nature of the processes in the Act and to have placed additional hindrances and bureaucratic restrictions on people's rights [31]. The Campaign for Survival and Dignity described the final form of the law as "both a victory and a betrayal" in their official statement on the occasion [32].
[edit] The Notification of the Act and the Rules
The one year delay in the notification of the Act and the Rules was the subject of considerable Parliamentary and political uproar in the winter session of the Indian Parliament in 2007 [33]. There was also mass protests across India demanding that the Act be notified in October 2007, and in November 2007 a week long sit down protest took place in Delhi with the same demand [34].
On December 31, the Act was notified into force, and on January 1 the Rules for the Act - which provide the procedures for implementing its provisions - were also notified [35]. The Campaign for Survival and Dignity welcomed the notification but sharply criticised a number of provisions in the Rules, claiming that they undermined democracy and the spirit of the Act. For more information see the Campaign's press release [2].
[edit] References
- ^ Press releases on the Forest Rights Act by the Campaign for Survival and Dignity
- ^ Ministry of Tribal Affairs
- ^ Sarin, Madhu (May 5, 2005). "Scheduled Tribes Bill: A Comment" (PDF). Economic and Political Weekly 40 (21). http://www.epw.org.in/uploads/articles/637.pdf. Retrieved 2007-12-26.
- ^ Legislations on Environment, Forests and Wildlife, from Ministry of Environment and Forests
- ^ Prabhu, Pradip (August 2005). "The Right to Live With Dignity". Seminar (552). http://www.india-seminar.com/2005/552/552%20pradip%20prabhu.htm.
- ^ "Bad in Law", Madhu Sarin, World Bank website
- ^ "Dispossessed and displaced: A brief paper on tribal issues in Orissa", Kundan Kumar, Vasundhara
- ^ Gopalakrishnan, Shankar (June-July,2005). "Missing the Woods for the Trees". Combat Law 4 (4).
- ^ The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers Act, 2006
- ^ Section 3(1) of the Act
- ^ Section 3(1) of the Act
- ^ Section 3(1) of the Act
- ^ Section 3(2) of the Act
- ^ Sections 3(1) and 5 of the Act
- ^ Sections 2(c) and 2(o) of the Act
- ^ Sections 2(c) and 4(1) of the Act
- ^ Section 2(o) of the Act
- ^ Sections 6(2)-6(6) of the Act
- ^ Section 4(2) of the Act
- ^ "Forest Rights: Why the New Law Needs to be Implemented", Shankar Gopalakrishnan, IANS
- ^ Thapar, Valmik. "Conflict will go up by 10000 per cent", Daily News and Analysis, Dec 23, 2007
- ^ "The Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act"
- ^ Truths and Falsehoods About the Forest Rights Act
- ^ Section 4(2) of the Act
- ^ Kothari, Ashish (December 30, 2006). "For Lasting Rights". Frontline 23 (26). http://www.frontlineonnet.com/fl2326/stories/20070112003501400.htm.
- ^ Kothari, Ashish (December 30, 2006). "For Lasting Rights". Frontline 23 (26). http://www.frontlineonnet.com/fl2326/stories/20070112003501400.htm.
- ^ "Understanding the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act"
- ^ Sethi, Nitin. "Activists Come Out With Ads to Slam Forest Act", Times of India, October 23, 2007.
- ^ Vanashakti.com
- ^ Sethi, Nitin. "Activists Come Out With Ads to Slam Forest Act", Times of India, October 23, 2007.
- ^ Prasad, Archana (December 30, 2006). "Survival at Stake". Frontline 23 (26). http://www.frontlineonnet.com/fl2326/stories/20070112003600400.htm.
- ^ Campaign press release (see bottom of the linked page)
- ^ The Hindu, "Notify Rules of Forest Act, says Brinda Karat", November 28, 2007
- ^ Press releases on the Forest Rights Act by the Campaign for Survival and Dignity
- ^ Sethi, Nitin and Mukul, Askhaya. "Forest Act Notified, Tribals Unhappy." Times of India, January 2, 2008
Indian Forest Act, 1927
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The Indian Forest Act, 1927 was largely based on previous Indian Forest Acts implemented under the British. The first and most famous was the Indian Forest Act of 1878. Both the 1878 act and the 1927 one sought to consolidate and reserve the areas having forest cover, or significant wildlife, to regulate movement and transit of forest produce, and duty leviable on timber and other forest produce. It also defines the procedure to be followed for declaring an area to be a Reserved Forest, a Protected Forest or a Village Forest. It defines what is a forest offence, what are the acts prohibited inside a Reserved Forest, and penalties leviable on violation of the provisions of the Act.
Reserved Forest is an area or mass of land duly notified under section 20 of the Indian Forest Act, 1927 [Act 16 of 1927] or under the reservation provisions of the Forest acts of the State Governments of the Indian Union. The manner in which a Reserved Forest, shortly written as RF, has to be constituted is described in section 3 to 20 of the Act. It is within power of a State Government to issue a preliminary notification under section 4 of the Act declaring that it has been decided to constitute such land, as specified in a Schedule with details of its location, area and boundary description, into a Reserved Forest. such a notification also appoints an officer of the State Government, normally the Deputy Commissioner of the concernned district, as Forest Settlement Officer. The Forest Settlement Officer fixes a period not less than three months, to hear the claims and objections of every person having or claiming any rights over the land which is so notified to be reserved. He conducts inquiries into the claims of rights, and may reject or accept the same. He is empowered even to acquire land over which right is claimed. For rights other than that of right of way, right of pasture, right to forest produce, or right to a water course, the Forest Settlement Officer may exclude such land in whole or in part, or come to an agreement with the owner for surrender of his rights, or proceed to acquire such land in the manner prescribed under the Land Acquisition Act, 1894 [Act 1 of 1894]. Once the Forest Settlement Officer settles all the rights either by admitting them or rejecting them, as per the provisions of the Act, and has heard appeals, if any, and settled the same, all the rights with the said piece of land [boundaries of which might have been altered or modified during the settlement process] vest with the State Government. Thereafter, the State Government issues notification under section 20 of the Indian Forest Act, 1927 declaring that piece of land to be a Reserved Forest.
Protected Forest is an area or mass of land, which is not a reserved forest, and over which the Government has property rights, declared to be so by a State Government under the provisions of the section 29 of the Indian Forest Act, 1927. It does not require the long and tedious process of settlement, as in case of declaration of a reserved forest. However, if such a declaration infringes upon a person's rights, the Government may cause an inquiry into the same; but pending such inquiries, the declaration cannot abridge or affect such rights of persons or communities. Further, in a protected forest, the Government may issue notifications declaring certain trees to be reserved, or suspend private rights, if any, for a period not exceeding 30 years, or prohibit quarrying, removal of any forest produce, or breaking of land etc.
Village Forest is constituted under section 28 of the Indian Forest Act, 1927. The Government may assign to any village community the rights over a land which may be a part of a reserved forest for use of the community. Usually, forested community lands are constituted into Village Grazing Reserve [VGR]. Parcels of land so notified are marked on the settlement revenue maps of the villages.
See also:
[edit] References
- "India's Forest Conservation Legislation: Acts, Rules, Guidelines", from the Official website of: Government of India, Ministry of Environment & Forests
- Wildlife Legislations, including - "The Indian Wildlife (Protection) Act" from the Official website of: Government of India, Ministry of Environment & Forests
- Wild Life Protection and Prohibition
- "Legislations on Environment, Forests, and Wildlife" from the Official website of: Government of India, Ministry of Environment & Forests
- The Wildlife Protection Act, 1972
- Official website of: Government of India, Ministry of Environment & Forests
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"Can we leave the bauxite in the mountain?"
I do not defend the killing of innocent people by anybody, says Arundhati Roy
There exists an entire spectrum of resistance, which includes the Maoist movement, asking serious questions about democracy and civilisation, not just of our government, but of our planet, author Arundhati Roy said here on Wednesday.
Ms. Roy was giving a talk on the Indian state's War on People, organised by the Committee for Protection of Democratic Rights. While stating that she was on the side of insurgency, Ms. Roy said, "I don't defend the killing of innocent people by anybody. 'Do you believe in violence,' is a brain-dead question."
"There is a whole biodiversity of resistance and the Maoists are at one end. While they might differ in their methods, they agree on one thing. This massive sale [of land and resources] is just not on. At the heart of this problem is land. This insurrection is asking serious questions. It's questioning the meaning of democracy and civilisation. These questions have been asked before, but in universities and seminars. But now hundreds of millions of people are asking these questions. That is the beauty of this resistance," she said. While the Maoist movement has the strategy for resistance, it lacks the vision for a state; a vision which allows our mountains and rivers to be. The "radical question" to ask and which she wished to ask Maoists was: "Can we leave the bauxite in the mountain?" She was referring to the bauxite in Orissa, which is worth $4 trillion and its mining potential.
"They [Maoists] don't believe in privatisation, but in state capitalism. You cannot say we will do eco-friendly mining. It needs tremendous amount of water and power. There needs to be a serious conversation [in the resistance movement on this]. We can't betray the causes we are fighting for."
The government, when it followed the neo-liberal agenda had opened "two locks." One to the Indian market and another to the Babri Masjid, sowing the seeds of capitalism and Hindu fundamentalism, she said.
Ms. Roy said the state, through its pursuit of economic agenda, had unleashed violence in the form of "a war" upon its own citizens by displacing them in millions and stripping them of their resources.
"This economic totalitarianism can only be achieved through an armed state. The middle class and the media are fighting for an armed state," she said.
"Why does the government need this war? The government inflates the meaning of Maoist to include anybody who is refusing to surrender their land or resources. What makes it so urgent for the government to fight this war? The media say corrupt politicians have so much money, but never expose where the money comes from."
Answering questions on development in Adivasi areas, she said: "Policies like the NREGA [since renamed Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act] are like crumbs. You take away everything from them and then you say be happy with it."
To a question by documentary filmmaker Anand Patwardhan on the recent Jnaneshwari train tragedy, Ms. Roy said if Maoists attacked civilians, this would indeed erode their support base. "But they have the people's support. You have to be careful of an atrocity-based analysis. All of us talk [assuming] they don't have mass support," she said.
Referring to her article in a news magazine recently on her visit to Dantewada, Ms. Roy said she was happy when "accused" of romanticism.
"I believe in the romance of the revolution. I believe in the romanticism of the forest. We don't have a government; we only have a corporate state now," she said.
Constitution violated
Leading democratic rights activist Gautam Navlakha also spoke at the event. "It is not the Maoists who are going against the law, it is the Government of India which is violating its own Constitution. War is directed against any resistance." He emphasised that the Maoists were left with no real option than to take up arms. "What are we telling them? Either surrender your land or pick up arms. What do you think they will do?"
Questioning the lack of space for dissent, he said: "If I support their cause, I can be hauled up by the state under Section 39 of the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act [used against pro-Naxals]. So here I am, in a way challenging the state," he said.
"The problem is we have stopped asking fundamental questions. Do we ask why are they raising this war? Why has armed revolution become acceptable among the tribals? Government reports themselves admit that the task of land reforms is still unfinished. The glass is not half full or half empty, but two-third empty. Eighty per cent population is at the receiving end," he said.
Indian Maoists need to learn important lessons from their Nepalese counterparts. "They should first establish military power and only then bargain their position. In Nepal, 80 per cent Legislature consists of Maoists, but look at the difficulties that are created for them."
He refuted any claim that Indians are by nature non-violent. "We are a bunch of hypocrites. When there is armed conflict going on in 235 districts out of 636, how can we say that the country is peaceful? If 47 per cent of our children are malnourished, isn't that violence? Isn't it criminal?"
"We need to look more carefully at government policies. Maoists can't be judged on the crimes that they have done, but on the background of atrocities against them. We have to say no to war against people," he concluded.
Keywords: Maoist, Arundhati Roy
Guillotine
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The guillotine (English pronunciation: /ˈɡɪlətiːn/ or /ˈɡiː.ətiːn/; French: [ɡijɔtin]) was a device used for carrying out executions by decapitation. It consisted of a tall upright frame from which a blade is suspended. This blade is raised with a rope and then allowed to drop, separating the head from the body. The device is noted for long being the main method of execution in France and, more particularly, for its use during the French Revolution, when it "became a part of popular culture, celebrated as the people's avenger by supporters of the Revolution and vilified as the pre-eminent symbol of the Terror by opponents".[1] Nevertheless, the guillotine continued to be used long after the French Revolution in several countries.
Contents[hide] |
[edit] French Revolution
Portrait of Dr. Guillotin | The execution of Robespierre |
Sensing the growing discontent, Louis XVI banned the use of the breaking wheel.[2] In 1791, as the French Revolution progressed, the National Assembly researched a new method to be used on all condemned people regardless of class. Their concerns contributed to the idea that capital punishment's purpose was the ending of life instead of the infliction of pain.[2]
A committee was formed under Antoine Louis, physician to the King and Secretary to the Academy of Surgery.[2] Joseph-Ignace Guillotin, a professor of anatomy at the facility of medicine in Paris, was also on the committee. The group was influenced by the Italian Mannaia (or Mannaja), the Scottish Maiden, and the Halifax Gibbet. While these prior instruments usually crushed the neck or used blunt force to take off a head, device also usually used a crescent blade and a lunette (a hinged two part yoke to immobilize the victim's neck).[2]
Laquiante, an officer of the Strasbourg criminal court[citation needed], made a design for a beheading machine and employed Tobias Schmidt, a German engineer and harpsichord maker, to construct a prototype.[3] Antoine Louis is also credited with the design of the prototype. An apocryphal story claims that King Louis XVI (an amateur locksmith) recommended a triangular blade with a beveled edge be used instead of a crescent blade,[2] but it was Schmidt who suggested placing the blade at an oblique 45-degree angle and changing it from the curved blade.[4] The first execution-by-guillotine was performed on highwayman Nicolas Jacques Pelletier[5] on April 25, 1792.[6][7][8]
The basis for the machine's success was the belief that it was a humane form of execution, contrasting with the methods used in pre-revolutionary, Ancien Régime France. In France, before the guillotine, members of the nobility were beheaded with a sword or axe, while commoners were usually hanged, a form of death that could take minutes or longer. Other more gruesome methods of executions were also used, such as the wheel, burning at the stake, etc. In the case of decapitation, it also sometimes took repeated blows to sever the head completely, and it was also very likely for the condemned to slowly bleed to death from their wounds before the head could be severed. The condemned or the family of the condemned would sometimes pay the executioner to ensure that the blade was sharp in order to provide for a quick and relatively painless death.
The guillotine was thus perceived to deliver an immediate death without risk of suffocation. Furthermore, having only one method of execution was seen as an expression of equality among citizens. The guillotine was then the only legal execution method in France until the abolition of the death penalty in 1981[9], apart from certain crimes against the security of the state, which entailed execution by firing squad.[10]
[edit] Reign of Terror
The period from June 1793 to July 1794 in France is known as the Reign of Terror or simply "the Terror". The upheaval following the overthrow of the monarchy, invasion by foreign monarchist powers and the Revolt in the Vendée combined to throw the nation into chaos and the government into frenzied paranoia. Most of the democratic reforms of the revolution were suspended and large-scale executions by guillotine began. The first political prisoner to be executed was Collenot d'Angremont of the National Guard, followed soon after by the King's trusted collaborator in his ill-fated attempt to moderate the Revolution, Arnaud de Laporte, both in 1792. Former King Louis XVI and Queen Marie Antoinette were executed in 1793. Maximilien Robespierre became one of the most powerful men in the government, and the figure most associated with the Terror. The Revolutionary Tribunal sentenced thousands to the guillotine. Nobility and commoners, intellectuals, politicians and prostitutes,[citation needed] all were liable to be executed on little or no grounds; suspicion of "crimes against liberty" was enough to earn one an appointment with "Madame Guillotine" (also referred to as "The National Razor"). Estimates of the death toll range between 16,000 and 40,000.[11]
At this time, Paris executions were carried out in the Place de la Revolution (former Place Louis XV and current Place de la Concorde) (near the Louvre); the guillotine stood in the corner near the Hôtel Crillon where the statue of Brest can be found today.
For a time, executions by guillotine were a popular entertainment that attracted great crowds of spectators. Vendors would sell programs listing the names of those scheduled to die. Many people would come day after day and vie for the best seats; knitting female citizens (tricoteuses) formed a cadre of hardcore regulars, inciting the crowd as a kind of anachronistic cheerleaders. Parents would bring their children. By the end of the Terror the crowds had thinned drastically. Excessive repetition had staled even this most grisly of entertainments, and audiences grew bored.
Eventually, the National Convention had enough of the Terror, partially fearing for their own lives, and turned against Maximilien Robespierre. In July 1794 he was arrested and executed in the same fashion as those whom he had condemned. This arguably ended the Terror, as the French expressed their discontent with Robespierre's policy by guillotining him.[12]
[edit] Retirement
The last public guillotining was of Eugen Weidmann, who was convicted of six murders. He was beheaded on 17 June 1939, outside the prison Saint-Pierre rue Georges Clémenceau 5 at Versailles, which is now the Palais de Justice. The allegedly scandalous behaviour of some of the onlookers on this occasion, and an incorrect assembly of the apparatus, as well as the fact it was secretly filmed, caused the authorities to decide that executions in the future were to take place in the prison courtyard.
The guillotine remained the official method of execution in France until France abolished the death penalty in 1981.[13] The last guillotining in France was that of torture-murderer Hamida Djandoubi on September 10, 1977.
[edit] Elsewhere
As has been noted, there were guillotine-like devices in countries other than France before 1792. A number of countries, especially in Europe, continued to employ this method of execution into modern times.
In Antwerp, Belgium, the last beheaded was Francis Kol. Convicted for robbery with murder, he received his punishment on 8 May 1856. During the period from 19 March 1798 until 12 March 1856, the town of Antwerp counted 19 beheadings[14]
In Germany, where the guillotine is known in German as Fallbeil ("falling axe"), it was used in various German states from the 17th century onwards, becoming the usual method of execution in Napoleonic times in many parts of Germany. The guillotine and the firing squad were the legal methods of execution during the German Empire (1871–1918) and the Weimar Republic (1919–1933).
The original German guillotines resembled the French Berger 1872 model but eventually evolved into more specialised machines largely built of metal with a much heavier blade enabling shorter uprights to be used. Accompanied by a more efficient blade recovery system and the eventual removal of the tilting board (or bascule) this allowed a quicker turn-around time between executions, the victim being decapitated either face up or down depending on how the executioner predicted they would react to the sight of the machine. Those deemed likely to struggle were backed up from behind a curtain to shield their view of the device.
In 1933 Adolf Hitler had a guillotine constructed and tested. He was impressed enough to order 20 more constructed and pressed into immediate service.[2] Nazi records indicate that between 1933 and 1945, 16,500 people were executed in Germany and Austria by this method.[2] In Nazi Germany, beheading by guillotine was the usual method of executing convicted criminals as opposed to political enemies, who were usually[citation needed] either hanged or shot. By the middle of the war, however, policy changed: the six members of the White Rose anti-Nazi resistance organisation were beheaded in 1943, as were a hundred or more conscientious objectors from that date, including Franz Jägerstätter, beheaded in Berlin on 9 August 1943. The last execution in what would later become West Germany took place on 11 May 1949, when 24-year-old Berthold Wehmeyer was beheaded in Moabit prison, West Berlin, for murder and robbery. When West Germany was formed in 1949, its constitution prohibited the death penalty; East Germany abolished it in 1987, and Austria in 1968.
The Scottish Maiden was introduced to Edinburgh, by James Douglas, 4th Earl of Morton in the 16th century. It continued in use until 1708. The scaffold itself is now housed in the National Museum of Scotland.
In Sweden, where beheading was the mandatory method of execution, the guillotine was used only once, for the very last execution in the country, in 1910 at Långholmen Prison, Stockholm.
In South Vietnam, after the Diệm regime enacted the 10/59 Decree in 1959, mobile special military courts dispatched to the countryside to intimidate the rural peoples used guillotines belonging to the former French colonial power to carry out death sentences on the spot.[15] One such guillotine is still on show at the War Remnants Museum in Ho Chi Minh City.[16]
[edit] Living heads
From its first use, there has been debate as to whether the guillotine always provided a swift death as Guillotin hoped. With previous methods of execution, there was little concern about the suffering inflicted. As the guillotine was invented specifically to be "humane", however, the issue was seriously considered. Furthermore, there is the possibility that the very swiftness of the guillotine only prolonged the victim's suffering. The blade cuts quickly enough so that there is relatively little impact on the brain case, and perhaps less likelihood of immediate unconsciousness than with a more violent decapitation, or long-drop hanging.
Audiences to guillotinings told numerous stories of blinking eyelids, speaking, moving eyes, movement of the mouth, even an expression of "unequivocal indignation" on the face of the decapitated Charlotte Corday when her cheek was slapped. Anatomists and other scientists in several countries have tried to perform more definitive experiments on severed human heads as recently as 1956. Inevitably, the evidence is only anecdotal. What appears to be a head responding to the sound of its name, or to the pain of a pinprick, may be only random muscle twitching or automatic reflex action, with no awareness involved. At worst, it seems that the massive drop in cerebral blood pressure would cause a victim to lose consciousness in several seconds.[17]
The following report was written by a Dr. Beaurieux, who experimented with the head of a condemned prisoner by the name of Henri Languille, on 28 June 1905:
Here, then, is what I was able to note immediately after the decapitation: the eyelids and lips of the guillotined man worked in irregularly rhythmic contractions for about five or six seconds. This phenomenon has been remarked by all those finding themselves in the same conditions as myself for observing what happens after the severing of the neck …I waited for several seconds. The spasmodic movements ceased. […] It was then that I called in a strong, sharp voice: "Languille!" I saw the eyelids slowly lift up, without any spasmodic contractions – I insist advisedly on this peculiarity – but with an even movement, quite distinct and normal, such as happens in everyday life, with people awakened or torn from their thoughts.
Next Languille's eyes very definitely fixed themselves on mine and the pupils focused themselves. I was not, then, dealing with the sort of vague dull look without any expression, that can be observed any day in dying people to whom one speaks: I was dealing with undeniably living eyes which were looking at me. After several seconds, the eyelids closed again […].
It was at that point that I called out again and, once more, without any spasm, slowly, the eyelids lifted and undeniably living eyes fixed themselves on mine with perhaps even more penetration than the first time. Then there was a further closing of the eyelids, but now less complete. I attempted the effect of a third call; there was no further movement – and the eyes took on the glazed look which they have in the dead. [18]
[edit] See also
- Henri Désiré Landru
- Eugen Weidmann
- Marcel Petiot
- Bals des victimes
- Decapitation
- Flying guillotine (weapon)
- Plötzensee Prison
- Use of capital punishment by nation
- Use of the Guillotine in Paris
[edit] References
[edit] Footnotes
- ^ R. Po-chia Hsia, Lynn Hunt, Thomas R. Martin, Barbara H. Rosenwein, and Bonnie G. Smith, The Making of the West, Peoples and Culture, A Concise History, Volume II: Since 1340, Second Edition (New York: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2007), 664.
- ^ a b c d e f g Executive Producer Don Cambou. (2001). Modern Marvels: Death Devices. A&E Television Networks.
- ^ Edmond-Jean Guérin, "1738–1814 – Joseph-Ignace Guillotin : biographie historique d'une figure saintaise", Histoire P@ssion website, accessed 2009-06-27, citing M. Georges de Labruyère in le Matin, 22 Aug. 1907
- ^ "Joseph Ignace Guillotin". whonamedit.com. http://www.whonamedit.com/doctor.cfm/2275.html. Retrieved 2008-03-09.
- ^ "Crime Library". National Museum of Crime & Punishment. http://www.crimemuseum.org/library/execution/guillotine.html. Retrieved June 13, 2009. "[I]n 1792, Nicholas-Jacques Pelletier became the first person to be put to death with a guillotine."
- ^ "Chase's Calendar of Events 2007", p. 291
- ^ Scurr, pp. 222–223
- ^ Abbot, p. 144
- ^ Pre-1981 penal code, article 12: "Any person sentenced to death shall be beheaded.".
- ^ Pre-1981 penal code, article 13: "By exception to article 12, when the death penalty is handed for crimes against the safety of the State, execution shall take place by firing squad.".
- ^ "Reign of Terror". http://www.mahalo.com/reign-of-terror.
- ^ "The Reign of Terror". French Revolution Exhibit. http://www.historywiz.com/terror.htm.
- ^ Loi n°81-908 du 9 octobre 1981 portant abolition de la peine de mort
- ^ Gazet van Mechelen, 8 May 1956
- ^ Mrs Nguyen Thi Dinh; Mai V. Elliott (1976). No Other Road to Take: Memoir of Mrs Nguyen Thi Dinh. Cornell University Southeast Asia Program. 27. ISBN 087727102X.
- ^ Farrara, Andrew J. (2004). Around the World in 220 Days: The Odyssey of an American Traveler Abroad. Buy Books. 415. ISBN 074141838X.
- ^ Excerpt from British Medical Journal, Vol 294: February, 1987, quoting Proges Medical of 9 July 1886, on the subject of research into "living heads".
- ^ Dr. Beaurieux. "Report From 1905". The History of the Guillotine. http://www.guillotine.dk/Pages/30sek.html. Retrieved 2009-02-13.
[edit] Notations
- Abbott, Jeffery (2007). What a Way to Go. New York: St. Martin's Griffin. ISBN 0312366566. http://books.google.com/books?id=suNPDerI7-kC&pg=PA144&lpg=PA144&dq=Nicolas+Jacques+Pelletier&source=bl&ots=kn4rJ4sFLP&sig=M3gKAHcCKpxiGZ7pDgu0LTFP69U&hl=en&ei=gRE0St2YLMSktgfzh_H4Dg&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=10#PPA138,M1. Retrieved June 13, 2009.
- Chase's Calendar of Events 2007. New York: McGraw-Hill. 2007. ISBN 0071468188. http://books.google.com/books?id=-j7ZyqfsS6MC&pg=PA291&lpg=PA291&dq=Nicolas+Jacques+Pelletier&source=bl&ots=E2I78iWHuT&sig=NmB9PSnwnIBaJQQ411dfR9yzzKs&hl=en&ei=BxE0SruqFZiJtgennfD4Dg&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=8. Retrieved June 13, 2009.
- Scurr, Ruth (2007). Fatal Purity. New York: H. Holt. ISBN 0805082611. http://books.google.com/books?id=yLxpgYt4dJcC&pg=PA222&lpg=PA222&dq=Nicolas+Jacques+Pelletier&source=bl&ots=-QvUvI_R5S&sig=mJFUIj5o8tYnfV7hqJXV7Vy2dts&hl=en&ei=FhA0SuHNFMmetwew6qmkCQ&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=9#PPA222,M1. Retrieved June 13, 2009.
- Seligman, Edmond (1901) (in French). La Justice en France pendant la Révolution (1789-1792). Plon-Nourrit et cie. http://books.google.com/books?id=Zr4lAAAAMAAJ&printsec=titlepage.
[edit] Further reading
- Caryle, Thomas. The French Revolution In Three Volumes, Volume 3: The Guillotine. Charles C. Little and James Brown (Little Brown). New York, NY, 1839. No ISBN. (First Edition. Many reprintings of this important history have been done during the last two centuries.)
- Farrell, Simon, Sutherland, Jon. Madame Guillotine: The French Revolution. Armada Books, 1986. ISBN 0-233978-68-2.
- Gerould, Daniel (1992). Guillotine; Its Legend and Lore. Blast Books. ISBN 0-922233-02-0.
[edit] External links
Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Guillotine |
Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Guillotine |
- The Guillotine Headquarters with a gallery, history, name list, and quiz.
- L'art de bien couper a French site with a quite complete list of guillotined criminals, pictures, history.
- Bois de justice History of the guillotine, construction details, with rare photos (English)
- Video showing the 1939 execution of Eugen Weidmann
- Fabricius, Jørn. "The Guillotine Headquarters". http://www.guillotine.dk/Pages/Guillot.html.
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Bouncing BackTimes of India - Jun 1, 2010 India's economy is rolling along nicely. Fiscal year 2009-10 notched an impressive GDP growth rate of 7.4 per cent, outstripping earlier forecasts and ... Strong fourth quarterThe Hindu - Jun 1, 2010 The revised estimates of national income by the Central Statistical Organisation for 2009-10 present a generally positive picture of the economy. ... Economy treads growth path; issues remain in foreign marketsLivemint - Jun 1, 2010 India's real gross domestic product (GDP) grew about 8.6% year-on-year (yoy) in the fourth quarter of FY10, slightly higher than expectations. ... COLUMN: Moving to investment led growthReuters India - Jun 1, 2010 The advance of the monsoon rains, vital for farm output in India's trillion-dollar economy, has been temporarily halted by a cyclonic depression in the ... Taking a high roadEconomist - Jun 1, 2010 ATHLETES competing in this year's Commonwealth Games held in Delhi will travel to the stadium along the Barapullah Elevated Road, one of many transport ... Swiss economy grows in Q1, PMI hits new highReuters UK - - Jun 1, 2010 ZURICH, June 1 (Reuters) - The Swiss economy posted its third successive quarter of growth between January and March, ... Swiss Economic Growth Unexpectedly Slowed in First QuarterSan Francisco Chronicle - May 31, 2010 June 1 (Bloomberg) -- Swiss economic growth unexpectedly slowed in the first quarter as companies trimmed investment and government spending fell. ... Strong growth last fiscalEconomic Times - May 31, 2010 Neither drought nor global crisis can hold the Indian economy down, reveal the latest output numbers released by the Central Statistical Organisation (CSO). ... Manufacturing helps GDP grow 7.4% in FY10Economic Times - May 31, 2010 NEW DELHI: Indian economy expanded at a better-than-expected 7.4% in 2009-10, helped by strong growth in manufacturing and agriculture that lifted fourth ... Growth eludes fin services despite healthy economyEconomic Times - May 31, 2010 MUMBAI: Growth in financial services in India had slowed down to 7.9% in the fourth quarter of FY10 against 12.3% in the same period a year ago. ... | Timeline of articles Number of sources covering this story
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Karnataka reaps bonanza at global investors meetSify - 20 hours ago Karnataka concluded the Global Investors Meet (GIM 2010) late Friday on a high note, with investments worth Rs.4 trillion (about $.85 billion) flowing in ... Karnataka's efforts to attract investors pays off, in letterBusiness Standard - 21 hours ago The Karnataka government has managed to sign 352 memoranda of understanding (MoUs) amounting to a grand total investment of Rs 4 lakh crore at the two-day ... Investors commit projects worth Rs 4.5 lakh crore in KarnatakaHindustan Times - Jun 4, 2010 Taking the Karnataka government by surprise, foreign and domestic investors committed to invest around Rs 4,50000 crore in this mineral rich state by ... Karnataka gets 400 projects worth Rs.4 trillionSify - Jun 4, 2010 The southern Indian state of Karnataka has bagged about 400 projects worth Rs.4 trillion ($85 billion) at the two-day Global Investors Meet (GIM 2010) in ... Karnataka's hinterland upbeat on dimension-changing eventDaily News & Analysis - Jun 3, 2010 Bangalore: All 30 districts of Karnataka have their eyes set on the two-day Global Investors Meet (GIM) 2010, which commenced here on Thursday. ... State shows off 6 pack at GIMTimes of India - Jun 3, 2010 BANGALORE: Flanked by some of the richest men in the world — LN Mittal, Azim Premji, Kumar Mangalam Birla, Shashi Ruia, Kris Gopalakrishnan, Vijay Mallya ... K'taka gets Rs 4 lakh-cr investment this yearIndian Express - Jun 3, 2010 LN Mittal, KM Birla, Vijay Mallya and G Gopalakrishnan during the inauguration of the Global Investors Meet in Bangalore. Karnataka has reconfirmed its ... Karnataka to create land bank in all districtsHindu Business Line - Jun 3, 2010 Mr BS Yeddyurappa, Chief Minister of Karnataka, at the inauguration of Global Investors Meet 2010 - Karnataka at the Palace Grounds in Bangalore on Thursday ... K'taka gets Rs 2.3 lakh cr investment offerTimes of India - Jun 3, 2010 BANGALORE: Karnataka got an investment promise of Rs 2.3 lakh crore on Thursday — Day 1 of the two-day Global Investors Meet (GIM). ... State ups the ante in attracting investments to tourismBusiness Standard - Jun 3, 2010 Other than a few spots like Mysore Palace, Hampi and Kodagu, Karnataka's tourism potential is yet to be met. Towards this, the Karnataka government has laid ... | Timeline of articles Number of sources covering this story
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